Wednesday, March 25, 2020
The Rebellion Against Victorianism The 1890's was in time for transformation for the English society. After Queen Victoria died the heart of the Victorian culture seemed to fade. England was beginning to experience economic competition from other states and a gradual decline from its former pinnacle of power. Politically, the Parliament experienced some fundamental power shifts after the turn of the century. This essay will address the climate of change in the English culture and its expressions. The changes occurred in two separate and distinct time periods. These time periods are the turn of the century from 1890's to World War II. The second period is WWII to 1970's. The new century brought about an end to the old and stuffy Victorian life-styles. The social stigmas of women and their behavior was challenged and change by the rise of feminism in 1910. Women began to protest against the system for women 's suffrage. One instance these "violent women" r an around in the city smashing store windows to get notoriety for their cause. Books such as the Odd Women, featured a fictional representation of "professional women". They were classified in two categories, both an attack on the social institution of marriage. The first of these new women were out only for fun. The second was the concept of an asexual being who did not need a man. These women owned their own flats and had various jobs usually secretarial in nature.. The book expressed an uncomfortable period of transformation. Working women were not completely accepted by English society at this time. The book portrayed different lives and how they coped with their situations.1 The male character was also in a state of change. This change brought about the term "new men". These new men were classified by a "sexual anarchy". This movement was predominantly a middle class, liberal expression. Many were young male artisans who were homosexual . The word homosexuality was creat ed by an amendment to criminal law which had declared all acts of sodomy as illegal. Previous to this amendment the act of homosexuality was punishable by hanging. Doctors and scientist had seen homosexuality as a disease, thus the need developed for a "cure". Sexuality became all inclusive. There was a large aesthetic movement which was also inherent in this "new" culture. This movement classified art as being done for art's sake. Art was now being viewed as separate from society. This meant that art could be a personal expression rather than a group think project. These attributes coined the term the "Decadent Movement". The England was experiencing tremendous growth in its economy and political change during this time. However, this growth was also shared by to other rival countries, Germany and the United States. England had a fear of the massive economic strength of the United States. England, at the turn of the century, was no longer the international hegemon it was a decade previous. This caused the English look introspectly at itself. The political change occurred inside of the Parliament. The conservative House of Lords began vetoing new liberal budget proposals. Both the Prime Minister and the House of Commons were liberal in their political affiliation. The vetoing created a deadlock in the government. The Prime Minister and the House of Commons proposed a referendum which would nullify the House of Lords power of veto over the budgetary matters. This was presented to the House of Lords with an ultimatum. If the referendum was not passed the House of Lords would be flooded with liberal Middle class citizens. The referendum was then passed and the deadlock broken. This shift of power was crucial in the infrastructure of the political system of England. World War I left a tremendous impression of reality on the English. Their confidence was compromised due to the ineffectiveness in combat and their dependence of United States aid for victory. This is the true end of all of the glory held by the British Empire. The English were left with a tremendous national debt totalling at $7 billion dollars. England would never be a hegemon in the international community again. World War II brought a feeling of unity back to England. "The Battle for Britain"
Friday, March 6, 2020
Business Model of Nespresso Essays Business Model of Nespresso Essay Business Model of Nespresso Essay Nespresso is a subsidiary of giant Nestle which was created in 1986. Before launching e-business the capsules sales where operated by telephone and the machine sales by retailers. The Nespresso Club was created in this period of company development. In 1998-1999 Nespresso launches its web site and the next year open its Ã¢â¬Å"Grande BoutiqueÃ¢â¬ in Paris. The Nespresso advent began its existence. The specific distribution channels and the idea of private club reinforce the sense of belonging. The client does not feel to be simple people who buy the product but clients develop the feeling to be an exceptional person supported by the Nespresso service. The e-sales improve the Nespresso data and improve the marketing NespressoÃ¢â¬â¢s operations. Since this huge change Nespresso has now a machine for cappuccino and the new collection for Lungo coffee. This company does not offer a simple Ã¢â¬Å"excellent cafeÃ¢â¬ but a real design item which is integrated in the home decor. 1) Customer segments NespressoÃ¢â¬â¢s main target is the upper middle class, workers in the office, hotels and restaurants. The Nespresso coffee is quite expensive and vehicles a prestige image for people who drink it at home in family or with friends. In the office the use of Nespresso machines is very frequent particularly during negotiations with clients and other stakeholders. Nowadays, Nespresso can target fashionable people who are concerned by the last trends. 2) Value Propositions Nespresso embodies the most sophisticated coffee concept ever developed. * Perfectly portioned highest quality Grand Cru coffees * Smart and easy to use machines and capsules with unique innovate design * Personalized service Nespresso club functionalities are increased * Exceptional coffee experience The concept (machine, capsule, service) is protected by 70 patents and allowed Nespresso to create an economic model closed to competition. Not only can Nespresso coffee capsules only be used in Nespresso machines, with patents ensuring exclusivity, but most customers are forced to buy from Nestle through the brands website or one of Nespresso Boutiques. 3) Channels The sales of Nespresso products are mostly concentrated in : * Internet: 45% of the business. Clients can have customized special offers thanks to their personal Nespresso space. A real customer follow up was created. * Exclusive boutique network * Boutique Bar lay-out: Lounge * Retailers Besides the capsule sales Nespresso has more than 20Ã 000 machine equipped points of sales. 4) Customer Relationships Loyal members, Nespresso Club, 5) Revenue streams * Capsules sales * Commissions on the machines sales 6) Key resources * Superior quality of coffee * Unequaled experts specialized in the production process * 24/7 Service * Loyalty of the members of Nespresso club * A new high standard design machines * ClientÃ¢â¬â¢s loyalty * Good sustainable brand image Prestigious and appreciated marketing campaign (Sponsoring Alinghi and AmericaÃ¢â¬â¢s Cup, Georges Clooney) Nestle is working on ways to prevent competitors from taking advantage of the coming expiry of its patents. 7) Key activities * Constantly improve the chain value * Conserve the privileged relationships with clients * To conserve the capitalization of their good image and their stylish, unique an d eco-friendly culture * Follow the construction of the Internet site 8) Key partnership Nespresso is one of the biggest sponsors of Alinghi and AmericaÃ¢â¬â¢s Cup. Partners with Nestle to utilize synergies in terms of: * Financial support * Ramp;D * Specialist support in terms of tax, legal, public affairs etc * Purchasing power * Start-up in new markets Almost 8 machine partners: Magimix, Krups, Miele, Koenig, AlessiÃ¢â¬ ¦ There is a unique partnership with numerous hotels and restaurants which will sell the product to their customers. 9) Cost structure * The cost of the 24/7 service * Capsule production * Cost of sending parcels * Marketing cost which allowed the company to build the Brand reputation and spread its activity on new markets.
Wednesday, February 19, 2020
Picassos Three Dancers - Research Paper Example The paper "PicassoÃ¢â¬â¢s Three Dancers" gives an interpretation of painting "Three Dancers" by Pablo Picasso. There was a concept he referred to as the sublime Ã¢â¬â an idea that remained just out of reach of definition and therefore could only be suggested, never represented. This element has also been referred to as the meaning of an image which these artists were trying to suggest was as much the result of the audienceÃ¢â¬â¢s understanding of it as it was the result of the artistÃ¢â¬â¢s conception or his ability to transfer this into visual images. These ideas can be discovered in PicassoÃ¢â¬â¢s painting Ã¢â¬Å"The Three DancersÃ¢â¬ . The title of the painting gives the first clue as to what the artist had in mind when creating this image - one expects to see three people clearly engaged in some form of fluid synchronized movement. Instead, one is confronted with hard lines, jagged angles and bold colors but no realistic forms, no easily understood movements. The Tat e Museum tells us, Ã¢â¬Å"The jagged forms of Three Dancers convey an explosion of energy. The image is laden with Picasso's personal recollections of a triangular affair, which resulted in the heart-broken suicide of his friend Carlos Casagemas. Love, sex and death are linked in an ecstatic dance. The left-hand dancer in particular seems possessed by uncontrolled, Dionysian frenzy. Her face relates to a mask from Torres Strait, New Guinea, owned by the artist, and points to Picasso's association of 'primitive' forms with expressiveness and sexualityÃ¢â¬ (2004).
Tuesday, February 4, 2020
The IDEA Project - Research Paper Example For GSS, the variable designation is SEX and RACE while for the WSV, the designations are v214 for column and v208 is control. There would be no significant differences among the race classification and between genders in their ranking of buying stolen goods. A larger percentage of women would consider buying stolen goods as never justified as compared to the men. The results show that a greater percentage of women strongly agrees that they receive respect at work for both races ( 43% as compared to 29% for men of the race=white and 45% as compared to 35% for the men of the race =black). However, when we consider the 'agree' column, we see that more men 'agree' that they receive respect. Taking the cumulative percentage for 'strongly agree' and 'agree', the percentage of male and female in the white race agreeing that they receive respect at work has a minimum difference (92% for men and 91.6% for women). The same is also true for the black race (93% for both sexes). It is also worthy to note that 3% of black women strongly disagrees as compared to 0% for men. Comparing the male response, one can see that a greater percentage of black men strongly agrees that they receive respect at work but then again a greater percentage of white men 'agrees' that they receive respect at work as compared to the black men. ... Results for GSS: Chart for RACE = 1(WHITE) Chart for RACE = 2(BLACK) Male Comparative Chart for Race(My Own Work): P Values: p This implies that the relationship is not statistically significant and the results cannot be generalized to the whole US population. The results show that a greater percentage of women strongly agrees that they receive respect at work for both races ( 43% as compared to 29% for men of the race=white and 45% as compared to 35% for the men of the race =black). However, when we consider the 'agree' column, we see that more men 'agree' that they receive respect. Taking the cumulative percentage for 'strongly agree' and 'agree', the percentage of male and female in the white race agreeing that they receive respect at work has a minimum difference (92% for men and 91.6% for women). The same is also true for the black race (93% for both sexes). It is also worthy to note that 3% of black women strongly disagrees as compared to 0% for men. Comparing the male response, one can see that a greater percentage of black men strongly agrees that they receive respect at work but then again a greater percentage of white men 'agrees' that they receive respect at work as compared to the black men. Taking it cumulatively, we see that there the difference is not significant (91% for white while 91.8% for black). Note also that 3% of white men strongly disagree that they receive respect at work. Results for WSV: Chart for Hispanic American Chart for Black American Chart for White American Chart for Asian American Chart for Indian American P Values p This implies that the relationship is not statistically significant and the results cannot be
Monday, January 27, 2020
John Kenneth Galbraith Biography Archibald Galbraith, a Canadian schoolteacher, once climbed onto a platform atop aÃ steaming pile of manure to address a group of Liberal party voters before the coming OntarioÃ elections. Ã¢â¬Å"Before I begin,Ã¢â¬ he said, Ã¢â¬Å"I must apologize for speaking from the Tory platform.Ã¢â¬ Ã Later on, his teenage son, John Kenneth, would congratulate him on the dig, to which heÃ [Archibald] would respond, Ã¢â¬Å"It was good. But it didnÃ¢â¬â¢t change any votes.Ã¢â¬ (Arthur Scheslinger,Ã 1984, p. 7) So, from an early age, John Kenneth Galbraith was between the world of politics andÃ pragmatism.Ã John Kenneth Galbraith was born in 1908. His fatherÃ¢â¬â¢s involvement in politics had aÃ profound impact on the young John Kenneth, politicizing him at an early age. He originallyÃ studied Agricultural Economics at the Ontario Agricultural College, but would eventually sayÃ that he took his first Ã¢â¬Å"realÃ¢â¬ economics course at UC Berkeley, and that the economics instructionÃ in Canada was Ã¢â¬Å"very poorÃ¢â¬ (Dunn, 2002, p. 350). As a graduate student at UC Berkeley, heÃ continued his study of agricultural economics and worked as a research assistant for a Ã¢â¬Å"very zanyÃ old man by the name of Edwin VoorhiesÃ¢â¬ (Kreisler, 1986). He stated that it was his study ofÃ agricultural economics that left him with a strong feeling that Ã¢â¬Å"social science should be tested byÃ its usefulness,Ã¢â¬ an idea inspired by VeblenÃ¢â¬â¢s dichotomy between exoteric knowledge (knowledgeÃ that is valuable and applicable) and esoteric knowledge (knowledge tha t has no practicalÃ application, but because of that, is considered more Ã¢â¬Å"prestigiousÃ¢â¬ ). Galbraith believed that socialÃ sciences should be exoteric, not esoteric. In his book Economics and The Public Purpose,Ã Galbraith develops this idea further, saying, Ã¢â¬Å"The ultimate test of a set of economic ideas isÃ whether it illuminates the anxietes of the timeÃ¢â¬ (Galbraith, 1973, p.198). In the 1930Ã¢â¬â¢s, while Galbraith was studying to receive his Ph. D, it was clear thatÃ economic theory was not addressing the anxietes of the time. Economists were struggling toÃ explain how free markets had led the United States to economic ruin. One in four AmericansÃ were jobless. Production had all but ground to a halt. Obviously, there were egregious errors inÃ the accepted dogma, which stated that free markets left to their own devices would bring aboutÃ efficiency and employment. Galbraith said that his method of coming to an understanding was toÃ Ã¢â¬Å"for yearsÃ¢â¬ ¦start with [Alfred] Marshall, see the world as it is, and make the requisiteÃ modificationsÃ¢â¬ (Dunn, 2002, p. 351). Upon graduating, Galbraith traveled to Washington D.C.Ã and took a position assisting with the implementation of the Agricultural Adjustment Act, beforeÃ taking a position as a tutor at Harvard. At Harvard, he made speeches supporting the reelection of Roosevelt, cement ing his initial ties with the Democratic party. Not long after, he was offeredÃ a fellowship at Cambridge, where the discussions centered around Keynes, who had just published his General Theory of Employment, Money, and Interest (Dunn, 2002, pp. 350-355).Ã Galbraith returned from England to his tutor position at Harvard a confirmed Keynesian. He spent a few more years tutoring at Harvard (where he met John F. Kennedy) and then took aÃ job as resident economist for the American Farm Bureau Federation in Washington. GalbraithÃ¢â¬â¢sÃ observation of the farm industry solidified his belief in the power of government to moveÃ industries forward. In 1930, farm households accounted for a quarter of the population, whereasÃ today they account for only 1% of the population and yet on the whole, they now produce moreÃ than they did in 1930. This is due to strong government support of the farming industry. ThatÃ national planning could Ã¢â¬Å"transform a weak, disorganized, and poverty prone sector of theÃ economy into AmericaÃ¢â¬â¢s most spectacular productive successÃ¢â¬ ¦preserved his political concernsÃ¢â¬ Ã (Arthur Schlesinger, 1984, p. 8). Galbraith became head of the Office of Price Administration inÃ 1941 during World War II, and at the same time began his long career as a ghostwriter, penningÃ spe eches for Samuel Rosenman and Robert Sherwood (Arthur Schlesinger, 1984, p. 8). Galbraith then became editor of Fortune magazine, where he worked directly for HarryÃ Luce, founder of Time Inc., whom he called Ã¢â¬Å"one of the most ruthless editors I have ever known,Ã or anyone has ever knownÃ¢â¬ (Kreisler, 1986). Galbraith has credited Luce with dramaticallyÃ improving his writing via ruthless editing. Galbraith credited Fortune with giving him aÃ Ã¢â¬Å"marvelous introduction to the corporate mind,Ã¢â¬ because the focus of the magazine at the timeÃ was Ã¢â¬Å"the anatomy of the big corporationsÃ¢â¬ (Dunn, 2002, p. 353). The decision making processesÃ of major corporations would be a recurring phenomenon that he would write about in many ofÃ his publications. Galbraith returned to Academia in 1948, having spent five years as editor of Fortune. HeÃ was nominated to a position teaching economics at Harvard. However, members of HarvardÃ¢â¬â¢sÃ board of overseers regarded him as a Ã¢â¬Å"dangerous Keynesian,Ã¢â¬ and as a result, Ã¢â¬Å"took the step,Ã almost unprecedented in modern times, of blocking the appointmentÃ¢â¬ (Dunn, 2002, p. 353). However, Galbraith had many political allies, and among them was HarvardÃ¢â¬â¢s president, JamesÃ B. Conant. Conant was such a fan of Galbraith that he threatened to resign unless the board ofÃ overseers backed down. Eventually they did, and Galbraith became a tenured professor atÃ Harvard. It was then that he began work on his first major bestseller, American Capitalism: TheÃ Concept of Countervailing Power. Galbraith begins his discussion of capitalism in America by pointing out the followingÃ conundrum: Mainstream economic theory asserts that in the case of monopoly, prices will rise,Ã business will screw consumers, fail to innovate, and as a result, the economy will be in badÃ shape. He then notes the work of Joan Robinson in developing the idea of monopolistic andÃ oligopolistic competition, noting that oligopolistic industries behave in the same way asÃ monopolies would, and through informal agreements can have the exact same effect. Then, usingÃ the actual data collected by the American government, he shows that the majority of industriesÃ are in fact oligopolistic. But he goes even further than that, saying that almost all industries willÃ eventually become oligopolistic for the following reasons: At the birth of an industry,Ã competetion is necessary and possible, as no firms have clear and significant advantages yet. ButÃ over time, it will become increasingl y difficult to enter the industry because of the barriers toÃ entry created by high capital requirements and increasing returns to scale. At the same time thatÃ increasing returns to scale start to set in (as they inevitably do), existing firms will also gain theÃ advantage of experience and prior organization. The convergence of these factors leads, in mostÃ cases, to an industry with a few power players and a larger but still relatively small number ofÃ hangers-on, who exist by filling niches that arenÃ¢â¬â¢t worth the time of the large firms. Galbraith poses a question in American Capitalism, and before getting to that question, itÃ is important to get a sense of the context in which he asks it. After World War II, America wasÃ experiencing incredible prosperity. But underlying this prosperity was the fear of depression. TheÃ Great Depression was still fresh in the collective consciousness, and the average manÃ¢â¬â¢s faith thatÃ capitalism would bring about efficiency and full employment was shaken. And yet, as the yearsÃ after the war progressed, things were stable and employment was plentiful. It is also important toÃ note that the era of non-depression Keynesianism was beginning, and much to the chagrin of theÃ business community, government was becoming a much more participatory force in markets. The business community was reacting violently against this expansion of government, claimingÃ that it was a complete disaster, wasteful to the very extreme and bound to cripple growth. TheÃ state of the American economy in the 1950Ã¢â¬â¢s then was that of big government, near-ubiquitousÃ monopoly or oligopoly, and an underlying fear of depression. Yet, by almost any measure, theÃ economy was a success. The problem, according to Galbraith, was that, Ã¢â¬Å"in principle, the economy pleased noÃ one; in practice it satisfied most. Social inefficiency [government spending], unrationalizedÃ power [monopoly and oligopoly], intrusive government [regulation], and depression were allÃ matters for deep concern. But neither liberal nor conservatives, neither the rich nor all but theÃ very poor, found the consequences intolerableÃ¢â¬ (Galbraith, 1954, p. 85). What fascinatedÃ Galbraith was how an economy which was so flawed in theory could work so well in practice. The question he asked was: Why are things soÃ¢â¬ ¦wellÃ¢â¬ ¦good? Thus, he states that his aim inÃ American Capitalism is to Ã¢â¬Å"examine in turn the circumstances that have kept social inefficiency,Ã private power, government intervention, and unemployment from ruining us in the recentÃ presentÃ¢â¬ (Galbraith, 1954, p. 85). The first answer that he gives is that oligopoly is much more conducive to techonologicalÃ innovation than classical competetion. Ã¢â¬Å"There is no more pleasant fiction than that technicalÃ change is the product of the matchless ingenuity of the small man forced by competition toÃ employ his wits to better his neighbor. Unhappily, it is a fiction,Ã¢â¬ he says. Ã¢â¬Å"TechnicalÃ development has long since become the preserve of the scientist and engineerÃ¢â¬ (Galbraith, 1954,Ã p.86). His argument is that due to the costliness of development, it can only be undertaken by aÃ firm with considerable resources. In highly competitive industries, no one firm has considerableÃ resources. Moreover, because innovations can easily be imitated, it is not economical for a smallÃ competitive firm to bear the research and development costs for an entire industry. Galbraith then turns his keen eye to the idea of inefficiency. He deals with this issue byÃ asserting that AmericaÃ¢â¬â¢s relative opulence shields us and is moreover a cause of suchÃ inefficiency. At the time that the classical economists were writing, an opulent economy had yetÃ to be observed. For Malthus and Ricardo, Ã¢â¬Å"inefficiency was, indeed, an evil thing. It deniedÃ bread to the hungry and clothing to the nakedÃ¢â¬ (Galbraith, 1954, p.102). The true power ofÃ GalbraithÃ¢â¬â¢s insight is his ability to point out the obvious. He criticizes his fellow economists forÃ bringing the mentality of the nineteenth century, with all its poverty and degradation, to theÃ opulent twentieth century. Galbraith finds this error both amusing and absurd, saying, Ã¢â¬Å"He [theÃ mainstream economist] worries far too much about partially monopolized pricesÃ¢â¬ ¦for tobacco, liquor, automobiles, and soap, in a land which is already suffering from nicotine poisoning and Ã alcoholism, which is nutritionally gorged with sugar, which is filling its hospitals and cemeteriesÃ with those who have been maimed or murdered on its highways, and which is dangerouslyÃ neurotic about body odorsÃ¢â¬ (Galbraith, 1954, p.102). His point is that these inefficiencies are inÃ fact a sign of the wealth of America. They are the symptom of a wealthy economy, and thus weÃ ought not to worry so much about them. He also discredits the idea of intrusive government,Ã noting that, Ã¢â¬Å"alarm over pending action by government on economic matters, which frequentlyÃ reaches almost pathological proportions when the decision is pending, almost invariablyÃ evaporates completely once the action is taken. One of the profound sources of AmericanÃ strength has been the margin of error provided by our well-beingÃ¢â¬ (Galbraith, 1954, p.106). But the most significant reason that monopoly has failed to capsize the AmericanÃ economy, according to Galbraith is the exercise of what he calls countervailing power. TheÃ assumption always made by economists, when they would consider the case of markets, was thatÃ the check on an individual firmÃ¢â¬â¢s power wold come from the supply side of the industry. Galbraith disagrees. He admits that the existence of monopoly power in a competitive marketÃ does in fact encourage the entry of more producers to appropriate some of that power forÃ themselves. Ã¢â¬Å"In other words,Ã¢â¬ he says. Ã¢â¬Å"Competition was regarded [and is] a self-generatingÃ regulatory forceÃ¢â¬ (Galbraith, 1954, p. 112). But in a market that is not competitive, the incentive for some economic agent toÃ approptiate that power still exists. But it need not come from the supply side. That power is, inÃ practice, usually appropriated by strong buyers or coalitions of buyers, who can sometimes takeÃ even more than their share. Because of the tendency of power to be organized in response toÃ existing power, Ã¢â¬Å"countervailing power is also a self-generating forceÃ¢â¬ (Galbraith, 1954, p. 113). According to Galbraith, it is the large retailers who, by way of their absolute power overÃ manufacturers, bargain for the consumer and protect the consumer from the high monopolyÃ prices that would otherwise result. Likewise, the considerable market power of large firms isÃ checked by trade unions for a simple reason, there is something to be bargained for GalbraithÃ notes that trade unions are most powerful in the least competitive industries. This is because theÃ surplus that a company derives from monopoly power acts as an incentive to unions. In the veryÃ competitive industries, producers and workers are operating at bare minimum profit and theÃ incentives to organization insignificant. These are the basic ideas laid out in American Capitalism. The book in many ways laysÃ the framework and tone for the books he would publish in the sixties and seventies. But whileÃ American Capitalism was GalbraithÃ¢â¬â¢s first major bestseller, it was The Affluent Society thatÃ skyrocketed him to fame. The Affluent Society builds on many of the concepts introduced in hisÃ first book, but with several key differences. Though Galbraith could not suppress his urge toÃ social commentary, The Affluent Society is a much more prescriptive book, growing out of hisÃ chapter on technical development in American Capitalism. To his original analysis he adds aÃ significantly moral component. The Affluent Society concerns itself with the policies that oughtÃ to be undertaken once the basic needs of the people have been met. GalbraithÃ¢â¬â¢s main argument isÃ that our ratio of private good (cars, televisions, automobiles) to public goods (schools, roads) isÃ inequitable an d ridiculous. The premise of his argument is that once our basic desires such asÃ food, clothing, and shelter have been satisfied, large corporations employ advertising to concoctÃ new demand for products. The traditional economic and utilitarian argument for goods quaÃ goods falls on its face if consumer demand is not sovereign. What is really necessary is the useÃ of societyÃ¢â¬â¢s productive resources in the public realm in juxtaposition with growth in the privateÃ realm. He calls this idea Ã¢â¬Å"social balance,Ã¢â¬ saying, Ã¢â¬Å"the problem of social balance is ubiquitous,Ã and frequently it is obtrusive. As noted, an increase in the consumption of automobiles requires aÃ facilitating supply of streets, highways, traffic control, and parking spacesÃ¢â¬ (Galbraith, 1958, p.Ã 193). He also confronts the existence of poverty in an affluent society as being the result ofÃ outdated nineteenth century attitudes. Ã¢â¬Å"A poor society,Ã¢â¬ he says, Ã¢â¬Å "had to enforce the rule thatÃ someone who did not work could not eat. An affluent society has no similar excuse for suchÃ rigorÃ¢â¬ (Galbraith, 1958, p. 251). But he admits that, Ã¢â¬Å"nothing requires such a society to beÃ compassionate. But it no longer has a high philosophical justification for its callousnessÃ¢â¬ Ã (Galbraith, 1958, p. 251). In the 50Ã¢â¬â¢s, America was in the midst of the cold war and attempts at engineering a betterÃ society were very suspect. Galbraith throughout The Affluent Society understands the inherentÃ and ideological opposition to big government and social policy, but he is adamant in stating,Ã Ã¢â¬Å"that citiesÃ¢â¬â¢ residents should have a nontoxic supply of air suggests no revolutionary dalliance with socialismÃ¢â¬ (Galbraith, 1958, p. 191). In fact, Galbraith eventually finds socialism and central planning to be in many waysÃ similar to the kind of capitalism that developed in America in the latter half of the 20th century. 9 In The New Industral State, Galbraith focuses his effort on understanding what he calls theÃ Ã¢â¬Å"technostructure.Ã¢â¬ In an era when the division of intellectual labor is so overwhelming, theÃ management or even management team of a powerful corporation doesnÃ¢â¬â¢t actually make most ofÃ the decisions. The decisions are instead made collectively by teams of experts. Galbraith coinsÃ the term technostructure as, Ã¢â¬Å"embracing all who bring specialized knowledge, talent orÃ experience to group decision-making. This,Ã¢â¬ he says, Ã¢â¬Å"not the management, is the guidingÃ intelligence, the brain, of the enterpriseÃ¢â¬ (Galbraith, 1967, p.71). Many of GalbraithÃ¢â¬â¢s ideas resonate to this day. Unfortunately, most do not. It would beÃ tempting to end this essay optimistically, expounding poetically on the way GalbraithÃ¢â¬â¢s ideasÃ continue to influence national policy. In reality, although he was a well-respected and powerfulÃ man, many of his ideas continue to be ignored by mainstream economists and politicians. RarelyÃ does one hear a contemporary economist talk about countervailing power, or reference theÃ Ã¢â¬Å"technostructure.Ã¢â¬ While as a society we owe much to Galbraith and his ideas, the discipline ofÃ economics has for all intents and purposes laid his practical ideas by the wayside. But whether orÃ not his continued influence on economics is felt by the mainstream, his contribution to theÃ discipline remains poignant and accessible for those who choose to seek it out on their own. GalbraithÃ¢â¬â¢s main contribution to economic thought was his tackling of the problem ofÃ power. He was convinced that the most glaring, most significant, and most ignored problem inÃ the field of economics was the effect of power on economic activity. Understanding whyÃ Galbraith was so affixed by this idea of power is actually quite simple; he was surrounded by it. Through his political work, Galbraith knew not only Kennedy, but several other presidents andÃ all the most powerful officials in the democratic party. Through his work at Fortune he becameÃ acquainted with the heads of the largest and most powerful corporations in the world. He saw,Ã 10 clearly, the extent to which the decisions of these men (and the technostructures supportingÃ them) affected the direction and performance of the economy of the whole. Given that he was anÃ astute man, for him to ignore the influence of power on economies, in order to advance a seriesÃ of aesthetically pleasing models and equations, would have been not only unthinkable butÃ dishonest. Galbraith wanted badly to be useful, to Ã¢â¬Å"change votes,Ã¢â¬ as his father would have said. To him, sitting in a room concocting theories did not qualify as usefulness. He longed to be inÃ the thick of policy-making. Later in life, he wanted badly to avoid what he called Ã¢â¬Å"Belmont SyndromeÃ¢â¬ 1 Thus, his struggle to be relevant was not only ideological but moral. John Kenneth Galbraith died peacefully at home in 2006. He left behind not only anÃ extensive body of economic work, but two novels. His first novel, The Triumph, written in 1969,Ã was about U.S. foreign policy disasters in Latin America. His second novel, A TenuredÃ Professor, written in 1990, was about an eccentric Harvard professor, and lampooned the eliteÃ institution. He lived ninety-seven years, almost all of them (excepting the first few) wereÃ preoccupied with upending the Ã¢â¬Å"conventional wisdom.Ã¢â¬ He remains one of the most famous andÃ controversial economists of the twentieth century, and a fine novelist.
Saturday, January 18, 2020
The Iphone is not a phone. It is a revolution that has just started. Some have called it the next resting place of the mind. When we heard that Apple was creating a new product after iPod, we all held our collective breadths, what were Steve jobs up to? Built in the simple elegance that only Apple knows how to this work of arts most distinctive feature is its high-tech multi touch function that creates an amazingÃ user experience enables an individual to control everything using his or her fingers and type using a predictive keyboard and glade through the multi touch display to find photos, messages, friends easily. There is thankfully lees clutter and none of those confusing functions that get in the way. Yet the iPod lack one function in order to get it fully right. It doesnÃ¢â¬â¢t have a mirror, actually a magic mirror. This is the name I have given a feature that the iphone must have. It is an electronic mirror that a clear spread with your hand over the face of the iphone screens morphs up. Magic mirror can be a traditional mirror with a frame and also has drivers that allow you to talk to an animated character who gives an appropriate response by way of drivers that trigger this. It actively mixes video images while communicating via RS 239 and using the Creston automation system. Other functions includes enabling doctors to identify psychological, physical well being by looking at your magic mirror image along with heart beat and blood pressure sensors of patients and the elderly. The target markets for magic mirror are teenage girls, middle income globally. Because of the growth of the world, middle class there has been a parallel growth in affluent teenagers and young adults. No matter where they are in the world, they have similar desires, interests and consumptions. This has been influenced by the worldwide mass media. They watch the same shows, listen to the same music and watch the same movies and videos. They not only idolize the same musicians, dressing styles, mannerisms and attitudes and therefore have the same shared characteristics and preferences. We intend to have teenagers identify with iphone early in life because preferences and tastes formed now can influence purchasing trends throughout their lives. The social cause that I intend to support is the delinquency and lack of manners that is so prevalent in young adults today. While it has become a common practice for older people to ignore or not to give much thought to young peopleÃ¢â¬â¢s behavior and regard this as a passing cloud, I beg to differ. The recent incidents of fatal shootings all over America is the upper peak of a mountain of poor mannerisms that if not checked will result in lawlessness and societal breakdown. I would advocate a campaign for good manners starting at the very bottom. Children as young as three learning to say thank you and please , then moving up to pre-teens who will use the fulfilled and life lessons applications, games, quizzes and chats. Then focus on teenagers and on the other hand providing guidance, advice and support to parents. The slogan I would choose is Ã¢â¬Ëthanks a millionÃ¢â¬â¢. This is a slogan that will be part of the campaign that initiates a state by state competition where a million teenagersÃ¢â¬â¢ text thank you messages to older people who have done wonderful and even simple things to make life better for others. Tyra banks are in my opinion the most suitable spokesman for the campaign. Her whole life story is an example for many teenagers about how to become a success in life. Born in a middle class background, she lived a normal life and was inspired by her mother who identified her talent in modeling and helped her develop it even through the most challenging times of her life. As a talk show host, Tyra banks have placed her energy towards developing the potential of young women. Her show provides information on fashion, dress, complexion and style. She especially focuses on teenage girls through the Tzone summer camp experience where independence, self esteem is taught to teenage girls at a mountainside camp for a week. Her energy and personality appeals strongly to young girls most importantly. Tyra banks are a modern woman and a role model with manners.Ã She has started her own campaign against use of derogatory words ageist women in rap videos and has a policy of not allowing swear words to be used during her show. She is the right person for the job. Magic mirror is just a start of the concept of capturing all the senses sight, sound and smell within the iPod. The next phase is to introduce a scent sensor to the iphone as well as a sound sensor. These two features will make the iphone the almost manÃ¢â¬â¢s best friend. REFERENCES Winer, R.S. (2007). Marketing Management, Prentice Hall, Upper Saddle River, NJ.
Friday, January 10, 2020
Andrew Jackson and his supporters have been criticized for upholding the principles of majority rule and the supremacy of the federal government inconsistently and unfairly. The validity of this statement varies in the cases of the re-charter of the Bank, the nullification controversy, and the removal of the Native Americans. In the case of the re-charter of the bank, the statement is not valid. He did uphold the principles of the majority rule and not of the supremacy of the government.The bank and its branches received federal funding and they were to be used for public purpose by serving as a cushion for the ups and downs of the economy. Biddle, head of the bank, managed it effectively. But his arrogance led many, including Jackson, to believe that Biddle was abusing his power and was serving the interests of the wealthy. As a result, Jackson declared the bank to be unconstitutional even though it was previously said to be constitutional.In the election of 1832, Clay wanted to cha llenge Jackson on the issue by trying to persuade Congress to pass a bank re-charter-bill. Jackson vetoed it, saying that it was a private monopoly and that it favored the wealthy, and in turn led to the backfire of ClayÃ¢â¬â¢s plan. The majority of the voters agreed on his attack on the Ã¢â¬Å"hydra of corruption. Ã¢â¬ And as a result of this issue, Jackson got the majority of the votes and won the election. In his second term Jackson killed the national bank by vetoing its re-charter and by removing all of its money.In his veto message Jackson said Ã¢â¬Å"But when the laws undertake to add to these natural and just advantages artificial distinctions, to grant titles, gratuities, and exclusive privileges to make the rich richer and the potent more powerful, the humble members of society who have neither the time nor the means of securing like favors to themselves, have a right to complain of the injustices of their governmentÃ¢â¬ . He then took the money and put it into so c alled Ã¢â¬Å"pet banksÃ¢â¬ that were located throughout various state banks. He did this because he did not uphold to the ideas of the federal supremacy.Jackson is usually for stateÃ¢â¬â¢s rights, but not if it leads towards disunion. That is exactly what happened in the issue of nullification. Around 1828 the legislation of South Carolina declared that the Tariff of Abominations, which was and increased tariff, was unconstitutional. According to Calhoun, JacksonÃ¢â¬â¢s vice-president, and his nullification theory, each state had the right to decide whether or not to obey it or to declare it void. Daniel Webster, of Mass. , debated against Hayne and attacked the idea that any state could leave the Union.Jackson believed that the Union should be preserved. South Carolina held a convention to nullify both the tariff of 1828 and the newly formed tariff of 1832. The convention determined that the collection of tariffs within a state is against the constitution. Jackson didnÃ¢â¬â ¢t like this, so he forced military action by persuading the Congress the pass a so-called Force bill to give him authority to use military action in South Carolina. But the troops did not go. Jackson decided to open up for compromise and to lower the tariff.Jackson did not uphold to the principle of majority to rule in this case because it only dealt with one state, but he did for the supremacy of the federal government. In the case of the removal of the Native Americans, the statement is valid. JacksonÃ¢â¬â¢s view on democracy did not extend to the Native Americans. Like the majority he did sympathize with the land-hungry citizens who desperately wanted to take over lands held by the Indians. Jackson thought that the reasonable answer was to require the Native Americans to leave their homeland and head towards west of the Mississippi.He signed the Indian Removal Act in 1830, which forced a resettlement of many thousand Native Americans. In 1831 the Cherokees challenged Georgia in the courts, but the Supreme Court ruled in this case (Cherokee Nation vs. Georgia) that the CherokeeÃ¢â¬â¢s where not a foreign nation and couldnÃ¢â¬â¢t sue in a federal court. In a second case, Worcester vs. Georgia (1832), the Supreme Court ruled that the laws of Georgia had no force within the boundaries of the Cherokee territory. In a dispute between stateÃ¢â¬â¢s rights and federal courts, Jackson sided with the states.He said, Ã¢â¬Å"John Marshall has made his decision, now let him enforce it. Ã¢â¬ In a statement by Edward Everett, he said, Ã¢â¬Å"The Indians, as was natural, looked to the United States for protection. They came first to the President, deeming, and rightly, that it was his duty to afford them this protection. They knew he had but one constitutional duty to perform toward the treaties and laws Ã¢â¬â the duty of executing them. He informed them that he had no power, in his view of the rights of the States; prevent their extending their laws over th e Indians. This shows that he upheld the principle of the federal supremacy because he abided. Many presidents that have served in the U. S. have had criticisms against them because of the actions they have performed, Jackson being one of them. The validity of the criticism against Jackson varies with the issues regarding the re-charter of the bank, the nullification crisis and the removal of the Native Americans. His presidency changed the way that we look at presidents today.